Law Enforcement Liability Issues Research Paper

Law Enforcement Liability Issues - Research Paper Example Officer’s not only protect and serve the public; at times they themselves need protection from liability law suits and claims. Individuals not happy with the outcomes of an action may file suit just to ease frustrations and to gain a sense of control over a situation. Officers are provided some protection with the Police Manual of Arrest, Seizure, and Interrogation, designed to assist an officer in making a correct decision in most circumstances and protect from liability claims. Further protection is provided to officers individually, holding departments financially responsible, by the Crown Liability Act. Finally the BC offense act states what specific offenses can be legally used in a court of law against an officer. Body Being a law enforcement officer takes more than just training. Common sense and compassion for the public are also incredibly important. In order to succeed in dealing with the people and the numerous challenges that they face every day, a law enforcement officer needs a specific type of personality. This particular personality is a combination of the above things, common sense being right there at the top of the list. Liability issues and concerns are faced not only by law enforcement officers, but by everyone, all the time. Even though there are a variety of different types of law enforcement in this day and age, their risk of liability issues remain the same. That is where training, government law, and personality come in handy for all individuals involved. The first thing people need to learn about liability is this: What is it? According to Oxford, liability is ‘being liable; troublesome person or thing; handicap; debts for which one is liable.’ (Oxford University Press,1995). Liable, according to Oxford is ‘legally bound; subject to; under an obligation; exposed or open to; answerable for.’(Oxford University Press,1995). In translation, liability means that one needs to answer for what they have done. Every action or reaction has a consequence, and the individual who made the action needs to own up to the consequence that goes with it. For example, if Officer A punched Drunk Driver 1 in the face because Drunk Driver 1 refused to get out of the car, Officer A would be liable for that action. In other words, Officer A would have to own up to and pay the consequence of his/her action, likely in a court of law. The opposite of this scenario would be if Drunk Driver 1 punched Officer A in the face, then proceeded to state that he had been punched in the face by Officer A. Drunk Driver 1 would then be responsible for what he/she had done in a court of law. Whether an officer is on duty or off, they must reflect their actions with reason. There has to be a good, liable reason for them to do what they do. The Use of Force Continuum is an important tool for law enforcement officers around the world. It is an important guide that has the ability to dictate what an appropriate action for th e officer is under any given circumstances. This continuum is often used in a court of law by lawyers, and even by the officers themselves. It is a direct, easy to follow guideline. The Use of Force Continuum is built in a circular pattern. At the start there is ‘Officer Presence’, and at the end there is ‘Lethal Force’. ‘It promotes a continuous assessment and evaluation of each situation, and helps officers understand and make use of a variety of force options to respond to potentially violent situations.’

Personal experience in an organization Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Personal experience in an organization - Essay Example Therefore, the argument that the discussion fostered a supportive communication environment is valid. Active listening and collective participation characterized the group discussion. Each of the group members had ample time to air their views while others listened. There were no interruptions when a group member was giving their points. However, after the points, we could interrogate the points as a group. Most of the points raised by the individual members were found to be valid. Only in two occasions where we had to amend the answers given. In this scenario, the members that raised the points were quite confident and seemed to be grateful since they perceived that their points were listened to before being amended. Next, we will look at the problem-oriented nature of the discussion. The objective of the group discussion was clearly cut out. Each of the members knew the problem under investigation in advance. This created an opportunity for the group members to do an independent research and then approach the research from a point of knowledge. It was clear that each of the group members had an understanding on the topic of discussion. This helped create an environment where everyone was an active participant. In addition, each of the members, including those that are a bit conserved were given adequate time to talk. In so doing, the members became free with each other and were able to express their points without any tension. Most of the discussion involved descriptions as opposed to evaluations. The essence of the discussion was to provide a common understanding of the various questions as provided by the instructor. To culminate this argument, let us look at the specificity of the communication. The fact that the group discussion handled a specific issue created a supportive communication environment. The goal of the group was to ensure that the assignment was done well. This specific drive made us to contribute without

Impact of Evo Morales and the Cocaleros in Bolivia

Impact of Evo Morales and the Cocaleros in Bolivia Elected President on December 18th 2005, Evo Morales’ victory into power was a significant and meaningful event for Bolivia. Not only was he the first President of indigenous Aymara Indian descent, of which a majority (62% according to a 2001 consensus) of the country is populated, but also a leader of the coca-growers union and the Movimento al Socialismo (Movement for Socialism, MAS). After a long and bleak history of colonialism, natural resource exploitation, incomplete revolutions and neoliberal oppression in Bolivia, with a democratic government long occupied by elites who did not represent the interests of a vast majority of the Bolivian population, the victory of Morales heralded the potential for a new era for the poorest country in South America and a radical shift in the country’s history (Webber, 2011; gthomas2219, 2013). Following two landslide electoral victories in 2005 (53% majority vote) and 2009 (64% majority vote) SAM gained a two-thirds majority in Bolivia’s two parliamentary bodies, and with that, arguably the stage was set for a revolutionary change â€Å"ending both the persistent exclusion of the (often poor) indigenous majority of the country, and undoing the neoliberal legacy of the three preceding decades, installing a local brand of socialism† (Salman, 2013: p625). However, soon thereafter critics from the left have begun to argue that the revolutionary promises made by Morales on the campaign trail and his strong socialist rhetoric that fostered the support of left indigenous movements (such as militant coca farmers) that largely contributed to his election victory have been foregone, broken, and replaced by relatively minor reforms (Webber, 2011). In this essay I will explore and assess the main interpretations of the Morales government’s performance since being elected, highlighting the debate around the issue, among scholars and social commentators alike, of the on-going struggle for national and social liberation and analyses of the steps Morales has taken in achieving this. Firstly, it is necessary to briefly examine how Morales came to power and the context within which his eventual presidential campaign was won. In the 1980’s Bolivia underwent radical neoliberal restructuring, â€Å"undertaking market liberalisation at the same time as political democratisation† (Kohl, 2006: p305). The hegemonic neoliberalisation processes in Bolivia at this time resulted in the poor becoming poorer as they were continuously excluded from economic practices, with multinational corporations and elites emerging as the dominant force. The scholarly consensus acknowledges this tendency as a fundamental characteristic of neoliberal restructuring that can be seen empirically across countries that have experienced this also (Kohl, 2006). Coupled with this, when the price of tin (one of the country’s most lucrative export industries) dropped, many Bolivian mines were closed making over 25,000 miners redundant (Howard and Dangl, 2006). Thousands of miners then proceeded to relocate to the coca growing region of Chapare as their only hope of making a living. From there, the miners used their militancy and organisational skills that had been honed by the revolution in 1952 (wherein the mining industry was heavily nationalised and unionised) to influence and help the coca growers who were facing crop eradication as a result of the boom in demand for cocaine and the subsequent war on drugs (Howard and Dangl, 2006; gthomas2219, 2013). The miners began unionising the coca growers, helping them to organise and coordinate in their resistance against the eradication of coca crops and leaves which have long been a fundamental symbol of indigenous Andean culture, and against the US imperialism in the form of neoliberalism they were facing at the time (gthomas2219, 2013). It was this organisation and unionisation that led to Morales becoming a distinguished figure, coupled with his charisma and apparent leadership skills he eventually became the leader of the largest coca growers union. Eventually the coca growers and other social movements developed and organised into a political party (MAS) with Morales at the helm, so they could have their socialist views represented in government. On top of his indigenous Aymara lineage, it has been argued that Morales’ best attribute was his ability to â€Å"galvanise and shape a vast array of indigenous and social protest movements into a unified political project† (gthomas2219, 2013) that has secured the MAS’ success. As a charismatic, likeable and relatable leader, Morales fostered support for his presidency by appealing to the air of discontent among the indigenous majority of the population. He pledged on the campaign trail to enshrine the rights of the indigenous people of Bolivia in a new constitution (ibid), and as the title of the party suggests, make cogent moves towards Socialism. Nevertheless, throughout the now-nine years of his tenure, critics from the harder left current have emerged claiming that Morales and the MAS have not kept the promises that were made on the campaign trail, and have forgone the opportunities for substantial change, settling for moderate reformism over revolution (Web ber, 2011). Of the esteemed critics such as Sven Harten and Luis Tapia, Jeffery Webber takes the most condemning standpoint in his interpretation of the MAS and Morales, insisting that since elected they have deserted their revolutionary gusto and have resolved to implement moderate reforms and preserve the capitalist foundations in Bolivia. He contends that many supporters of the Morales government are disillusioned as to what the MAS actually represent and the apparent contradictions that have emerged. For Webber, who claims to hold a â€Å"responsible perspective, authentically in solidarity with the popular struggles for socialism and indigenous liberation† (Webber, 2011: p2), the period between 2000 and 2005 is described as a â€Å"revolutionary epoch in which mass mobilisation from below and state crisis from above opened up the opportunity for fundamental, transformative structural change to the state and society† (ibid). However, his extensive analysis suggests that the MAS proceeded to discard the potential for revolutionary structural change and instead settle for a modest push beyond neoliberal orthodoxies as ‘moderate reformism’. He bases these assertions on such things as the supposed failures of economic transformations, nationalisations, redistribution policies and attempts at sustainable development and industrialisation (Salman, 2012), citing examples to emphasize that the MAS did not represent the more radical popular rebellion such as the Huanuni mine affair wherein the MAS administration opted to oppose the miners who demanded nationalisation so not to warn off foreign investment, as well as many others (ibid). Ultimately, these things, among many others, could be a result of the inherent contradiction that has led to the meagre attempts at reform, stemming from the institutional context and the shift towards electoral politics (Hines, 2011) which inevitably presents a clash of interests when an administration, supposedly bent on pushing towards socialism, operates within a neoliberal, democratised framework. It is this that Webber claims has played a substantial role in the MAS retaining â€Å"its core faith in the capitalist market as the principle engine of growth and industrialisation† (Webber, 2012: p232) and implementing ‘reconstituted neoliberalism’ having made no real attempt to remove or disassemble the capitalist economic and political basis, and limiting the potential for popular movements and significant social change. Naturally, many other commentators hold opinions along similar lines. As a Bolivian who had once had intimate involvement with key ideological aspects of many currently implemented policies, Luis Tapia offers a political-philosophical reflection of how he believes the Morales administration have again, not delivered what was implied and promised (Salman, 2012). What appears to be a common thread and prevailing sentiment among Morales’ critics is that Bolivia’s prior revolutionary potential was wasted and has now subsided. Esteemed and respectable analyses such as Webber’s warrant appreciative consideration, as most would certainly agree that Bolivia undoubtedly remains a capitalist nation which is exhibiting no considerable maturation into socialism. However, not all share such a pessimistic outlook. Some would argue that Webber and others along similar lines are â€Å"measuring the Bolivian government against an impossible standard, against the ideal program of a hypothetical mass socialist movement† (Riddell, 2011). For some, emphasis and support should instead be placed on the accumulative, tangible achievements of the MAS with moves that have been made towards â€Å"national sovereignty, social progress, and effective action on global warming† (ibid), as opposed to adamant criticism over the lack of implementation of an absolute socialist regime outright. The ‘refounding’ of Bolivia as a plurinational state and rewriting the constitution to enshrine the rights of the indigenous majority who have historically been marginalised against formidable odds are regarded by many as a significant accomplishment in and of itself. Despite the lack of a socialist revolution, some would argue that a â€Å"political revolution† has taken place, in that the MAS coming into power simply represents a sufficiently profound change in the form of substituting political elites and â€Å"shifting the hegemonic balance of forces in Bolivia more to the side of the subaltern classes† (Fidler, 2013). This perspective embodies a much more positive, ‘Rome wasn’t built in a day’ outlook than the harder leftist critics. Many who fall into this category tend to examine Morales’ active policies and actions to reveal the more positive aspects of his regime. For example, cited by Riddell (2011) in response to Webber, Bolivia led the meeting of 50 governments in Cochabamba in 2010, a gathering that was distinctly anti-capitalist, in that it rejected the imperialist-imposed Copenhagen accord that produced no positive results. It promoted the ‘rights of mother earth’ against the effects of climate change, and encouraged action to be taken by ordinary people as opposed to the governments and corporations that have contributed the most to potentially cataclysmic climate change, creatively applying an indigenous perspective to this crisis. Even Webber acknowledges that this was â€Å"a genuine step forward for the construction of international, eco-socialist networks† (Riddell citing Webber, 2011). This (the Cochabamba meeting) in itself is perceived as symbolic of Bolivia and the MAS’ goal for sovereignty (Riddell, 2011), and is but one example of steps taken by Morales and the MAS cited to warn off U.S. imperial intrusion, others include the refusal to accept any more loans from the IMF or World Bank, ending dependency on such institutions; rejecting U.S. drug policy to reinforce the indigenous importance of cultivating coca leaves; and the decision to leave the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA); as Riddell asserts, â€Å"Bolivia’s campaign to free itself from U.S. tutelage and assert national sovereignty is an outstanding achievement, which was spearheaded by the Morales government† (2011). Critics such as Webber would certainly claim that this perspective is naà ¯ve, and that the underlying capitalist roots remain strong which is indicated by the MAS’ policies, yet for others it is the small, tangible wins that have impacted the country in a positive way that really matter, and present hope for the possibility of more substantial change in the future. After all, since his initial election in 2005 Morales and the MAS have won 6 consecutive elections, two of which were presidential, seeing a 10% increase in poll majority; upon doing so Morales became the first leader in the history of Bolivia to secure two consecutive electoral victories and rule democratically and stably for an unrivalled period of 8 years (Petras, 2013). Based on the accounts from the harder left current that criticise Morales for abandoning the pursuit of socialism and settling for moderate reformism in spite of the views of those that encouraged his victory, questions arise as to why Morales is still so popular in Bolivia and how his presidency has been sustained. One author for the Centre for Research on Globalisation, based on his interpretation the MAS’ policies, contends that â€Å"a brief survey of his ideological pronouncements, foreign policy declarations and economic policies highlights a very astute political regime which successfully manipulates radical rhetoric and applies orthodox economic policies with a populist style of politics which insures repeated electoral victories and an unprecedented degree of political stability and continuity† (Petras, 2013). According to him the key to Morales’ success has been his ability to implement orthodox economic policies while building a political and social coalition (ibid). What this implies is that Morales has made just enough of the right political and economic moves to ensure support from both the left and right, yet ultimately uphold the status quo of neoliberal capitalism in Bolivia, utilising his unique position as an indigenous Indian to essentially manipulate his huge base of support with near impeccable execution, making use of the remarkable leaderships skills that allowed him to come to prominence through the coca-growers union. Based on Petras’ analysis, that can be the only explanation as to why the MAS remain in power in what this author ironically calls ‘the most radical conservative regime’. Unfortunately, the more positive outlook in this debate is seemingly scarce, with the negative interpretations coming from far and wide. As for some of the cocaleros themselves, in particular the Federation of Organic Coca Producers of Yundas Vandiola , the impact of the Morales administration has in fact been disproportionate generosity. Despite being promised by the former coca-growing President, support to the coca growing regions has proved to be discordant, with some areas and groups (Chapare in particular) being favoured and experiencing substantial development with others going unnoticed, often the ones who operate outside of the designated traditional regions yet have no other opportunities to make a living. With that, there is surprisingly little being done to help the poorest of the country, most of which continue to live below the poverty line (Oikonomakis, 2014), and as Morales continues to face vehement pressure from the international community to reduce coca cultivation , this issue is likely to worsen. The poor coca growers who have spoken out about this issue serve to substantiate the claims of the critics and cynics who claim that despite the radical rhetoric and illusory agenda, Bolivia remains a neoliberal government like any other, favouring neoliberal economic and political strategies that often don’t consider a large percentage of the poorest people who represent the basis upon which Morales came to power. Unquestionably, changes are happening in Bolivia under the Morales administration, perhaps not on the scale that might have been anticipated by some, but arguably positive changes nonetheless. But is this just part of a strategy to defend the status quo of neoliberalism in Bolivia? Many would contend that it is, as the critical and condemning outcries overshadow the more modest and seemingly naà ¯ve, positive voices. Many of the careful analyses and apparently authentic perspectives claim to see the MAS with Morales at the helm for what it is, a noticeably astute regime that has managed to justify and maintain orthodox neoliberal economic and political practices with radical socialist rhetoric. Or, in fact, the apparent majority of social commentators and scholars could be wrong and Morales could be biding his time, securing substantial economic development until the country is ripe for a socialist revolution, at which point he will initiate it. Theories like this certainly do exist , but only time will tell whether they are accurate or an idealistic miscalculation. Bibliography Fidler, R. (2013). Bolivia: Why is Evo Morales still so popular?. [online] Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal. Available at: http://links.org.au/node/3437 [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Fuentes, F. (2012). BOLIVIA: The Morales government: neoliberalism in disguise?. [online] Global Research. Available at: http://www.globalresearch.ca/bolivia-the-morales-government-neoliberalism-in-disguise/30148 [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Gelder, S. (2010). Climate Game Changer. [online] Yes Megazine. Available at: http://www.yesmagazine.org/blogs/sarah-van-gelder/climate-game-changer [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. gthomas2219, (2013). The Cocaleros and the rise of Evo Morales. [online] Aletho News. Available at: http://alethonews.wordpress.com/2013/07/30/the-cocaleros-and-the-rise-of-evo-morales/ [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Hines, S. (2011). Bolivia Under Evo Morales. [online] Newsocialist.org. Available at: http://www.newsocialist.org/545-bolivia-under-evo-morales [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Howard, A. and Dangl, B. (2006). Tin War in Bolivia: Conflict Between Miners Leaves 17 Dead. [online] Upsidedownworld.org. Available at: http://upsidedownworld.org/main/bolivia-archives-31/455-tin-war-in-bolivia-conflict-between-miners-leaves-17-dead [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Kohl, B. (2006). Challenges to neoliberal hegemony in Bolivia. Antipode, 38(2), pp.304326. Oikonomakis, L. (2014). Bolivian cocaleros on Morales: â€Å"what a monster we created!†. [online] Roarmag.org. Available at: http://roarmag.org/2014/03/bolivia-morales-cocaleros-repression/ [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Petras, J. (2013). The Most Radical Conservative Regime: Bolivia under Evo Morales. [online] Global Research. Available at: http://www.globalresearch.ca/the-most-radical-conservative-regime-bolivia-under-evo-morales/5363248 [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Riddell, J. (2011). Progress in Bolivia: A reply to Jeff Webber. [online] John Riddell. Available at: http://johnriddell.wordpress.com/2011/05/05/progress-in-bolivia-a-reply-to-jeff-webber/ [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Salman, T. (2013). Book Review: From Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Class Struggle, Indigenous Liberation and the Politics of Evo Morales – By Jeffery R. Webber. Journal of Agrarian Change, 12(4), pp.625-627. Salman, T. (2013). The MAS Six Years in Power in Bolivia. European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, (92), pp.8998. Webber, J. (2010). From rebellion to reform: Image and reality in the Bolivia of Evo Morales. [online] Isreview.org. Available at: http://isreview.org/issue/73/rebellion-reform [Accessed 20 May. 2014]. Webber, J. (2011). From rebellion to reform in Bolivia. 1st ed. Chicago, Ill.: Haymarket Books.

Dumping of Steel Essay -- GCSE Business Marketing Coursework

Dumping of Steel INTRODUCTION Foreign steel producers plague the U.S. steel industry with unfair competitive practices. This practice is referred to as "dumping". Dumping of foreign steel has been a problem throughout the history of the U.S. steel industry. In the 1990s dumping has become more of a problem, due to the breakdown of the Russian economy and its transition from Capitalism to a free-market economy. According to Microsoft Encarta 98 (1998), Free-Market Economy, is an economic system in which individuals, rather than government, make the majority of decisions regarding economic activities and transactions. In addition, the Asian financial crisis has led to another round of dumping into the U.S. markets by many Asian countries. The effects of dumping have a positive as well as a negative impact on the health of the overall U.S. economy. On the positive side, steel-using industries enjoy lower prices for steel used in the manufacture of their products. Turning to the negative side, the U.S. steel industry has suffered tremendously through layoffs and a collapse of a number of steel makers. Should the U.S. Government provide protection against dumping? The debate on protectionism has gone on for years. Protection of one industry by the U.S. Government has come at the cost of another including the U.S. consumer. BREIF HISTORY OF THE STEEL INDUSTRY The steel industry grew out of the need for stronger and more easily produced metals. During the last half of the 19th century, many technological advances in steelmaking played an important role in creating modern economies. These economies depended on the steel industry to supply rails, autos, girders, bridges, and many other steel products. Iron making can be traced as far back as 3,500 b.c. in Armenia. The Bessemer process, created independently by Henry Bessemer in England and William Kelly in the United States during the 1850s, allowed the mass production of low-cost steel; the open hearth process, first introduced in the United States in 1888, made it easier to use domestic iron ores. By the 1880s, the growing demand for steel rails made the United States the world's largest producer. The open-hearth process dominated the steel industry between 1910 and 1960, when it converted to the oxygen process, which produces steel faster, and the electric furnace process, which ma. .. ...ll suffer. Knight-Ridder/Tribune News Service pK5688 [online] Available: http://web2.infotrac.galegroup.com Electronic Collection: A53242589. (2000, January 31). Grow, R. J. (April 1998). Asian storm clouds hover over U.S. steelmakers. New Steel v14 n4 p108. [online] Available: http://web2.infotrac.galegroup.com Electronic Collection: A20772048 (2000, January 31). Kelly, N. E. (June 3,1999). US steel industry targets 12 for dumping cold-rolled. American Metal Market v107 i106 p1. [online] Available: http://web2.infotrac.galegroup.com Electronic Collection: A54826127 (2000, January 31). Morrissey, B. (May 3, 1999). Protectionist clouds on the horizon. Knight-Ridder/Tribune News Service pK5956 [online] Available: http://web2.infotrac.galegroup.com Electronic Collection: A54535315. (2000, January 31). Robertson, S. (November 17 1998). Mills said to get dumped steel. American Metal Market p1. [online] Available: http://web2.infotrac.galegroup.com Electronic Collection: A53251895 Steel industry. (1993). The Columbia Encyclopedia (Edition 5, 1993 p.35209). [Online]. Available: http://web2.infotrac.galegroup.com Electronic Collection: A17561597. (2000, January 30).

Oxford dictionary meaning of the word “research”

The proposed article fall within the area of subject of research, as the context and purpose of article is to bring about a rationale thinking in application areas of auditing vs.accounting.Understanding definition of term â€Å"research†.â€Å"Identification of key area, to effort on, find facts, draw/derive/produce positive or negative results and apply whichever is applicable, and complete findings.†This article is written without any prejudicial interest and true replica of events that occur in business accounting, viewed at a macroscopic level.   Practicing of accounting demands an ethical code of conduct, as auditors are the intermediary officials for companies as well stakeholders, who safeguard ipso facto corporate sector.Type of ResearchFirst reading ensured enough time to read each page, to perceive the subject and contents to form a basis for finding and comprehend the facts.Second reading is attempted to learn and recognize, what made the article to give s uch a serious effect, and grounds of falsification.Final critique reading and view   on art, style, etiquette and magnitude of the article and draw inferences, as a whole.Research Questions:Does the article represent a view of research to lay facts, scholarly view to consider and instigate appropriate measures of corrections in ethnic field of auditing or an elite journalistic article ?Is the usage of Jargon is in compliance and accurate with the subject of article?What is the satisfaction of Author(s) who have ventured efforts in perceiving the facts?The author(s) have endeavored on article in prediction or to pre-empt the startling scams or scandals in corporate sector?Where does the error take rest? With Auditors/Company officials/Rating

Air Blue

Business Policy & Strategy Projects Guidelines Assignment #1 This is the first project based assignment. The students are required to identify an organization on which they are supposed to complete all upcoming assignments and final report. The first assignment is focused on the Vision and Mission statements of the organization. The group is supposed to first analyze and then recommend the Vision and Mission statements based upon the characteristics discussed in text. Assignment #2 Report on Industry AnalysisThis assignment would encompass the following components: a. Introduction and History of the allocated industry. b. PEST Analysis and conclusion on industry attractiveness. c. Industry scanning using the Porter’s five force model and conclude on prevailing competition level. d. Make a list of opportunities and threats present in the industry emerging out of PEST Analysis and Porter’s Five Force Model in relation to allocated company. e. Make EFE Matrix of the compan y and interpret its result. f. Identify and make a list of CSF’s of the industry . Identify company’s major competitors and make CPM Assignment # 3 Report on Company Analysis On the allocated company from within the respective industry, each group is required to develop: a. Perform Strategic internal audit of the company of the following departments as per the guidelines given in the prescribed text book i. Marketing ii. Finance iii. R&D iv. Accounting v. MIS vi. HR b. Complete internal audit and make list of key Strengths and Weaknesses of the company. c. Make IFE Matrix of the company and interpret its result. . Make SWOT analysis of the company and interpret its overall findings. Assignment # 4 A-Long Term Objectives In light of vision and Mission statement and SWOT analysis develop:- i. Long Term Financial Strategic Objectives of the company ii. Long Term Non-Financial Strategic Objectives of the company a B-Strategic Analysis and Choice I. Inputs stage This stage involves development of EFE matrix, CPM and IFE Matrix that has already been covered in assignment 1 to 3. (Just include findings) II. Matching StageIn this stage it is required to develop at least three out of the five matrices discussed below: i. SWOT matrix so as to develop four strategic scenarios (SO, ST. WO. WT) ii. SPACE Matrix for determining the organization’s overall strategic position. iii. BCG (If required) so as to determine the relative contribution of different divisions in terms of market share and industry growth. iv. IE Matrix using IFE and EFE scores ( done previously) v. Grand Strategy Matrix for formulating alternative strategySet of feasible strategies emerging out of matching tools which company can consider for decision stage ? FINAL PROJECT REPORT &PRESENTATION B-Strategic Analysis and Choice III. Decision Stage i. Compare all strategies included in sets of feasible strategies using QSPM of the allocated company. ii. Use excel spreadsheet for developi ng QSPM in order to evaluate the best alternative strategies set. This would require using the results from the input and the matching stage. Identify most attractive StrategiesUsing QSPM scores identify the most attractive strategies set to be followed by the company under the prevailing circumstances. Strategy Implementation i. Arrange the most attractive strategies sets in order of their priority in implementation to achieve company’s strategic goals ii. Specify the action plan that you are going to work on for implementation purpose for each strategy. iii. In order to implement any strategy you need to develop its annual objectives, policies and focus on the resources and other management issues that you may require your attentionEvaluation and Control i. Specify the steps and measures to be taken for checking the effectiveness of the each strategy set after they are implemented. ii. Specify corrective actions to be taken in case of positive or negative variances for each strategy set. Conclusion i. Write a short note (1/2 Page) on how do you see the future of this company in next 5 years down the road specially with reference to your overall analysis and Strategy set that you have recommended. ii. Write down what Lessons you have learned from this project. Special Note:If required students can easily transfer these assignments and project into final MBA project by adding more articles, updated industry and company data, and surveys about the strategies being pursued by the company. You can round up your MBA project by making a complete strategic business plan of the company for the next 3 years in light of your recommended strategies Reports format and presentation instructions IMPORTANT NOTE : ALL REPORTS ARE TO BE SUBMITTED ON DESIGNATED DAY AND TIME WHICH WILL BE ANNOUNCED BY THE INSTRUCTOR –THERE IS NO CONCEPT OF LATE SUBMISSIONStudents are advised to strictly follow these instructions while compiling their assignment or final project re ports, or making presentations (any deviation will result in deduction of marks): †¢Reports should be laser printed on A4 size (white) paper. †¢New Times Roman with font size 12 for the main body, Font size 14 bold for the sub heading, Font size16 bold for the main headings. Line spacing 1. 5 lines. Left justified †¢The title page of the report must contain: 1. Name and Logo of UCP 2. Title of the course and Section 3. Name of Industry 4. Company Name 5.Group members names and registration numbers 6. Name of the instructor 7. Date and Time of submission †¢Due references must be made where required in form of bibliography in APA style. ( Check the details of APA style of referencing on net) †¢Plagiarism would lead to negative marking or cancellation of the project. †¢Check spelling and grammar using MS Word spell check. †¢Presentation time would be 20 minutes followed by Q/A session in which each group member must participate. It should be on PPT sl ides. †¢Presentation should entail a brief summary of the industry and allocated assignments.